Vladislav B. Sotirović

Tema ovog rada spada u red sociolingvističkih istraživanja u najširem smislu pojma sociolingvi­stike kao lingvističke grane koja se bavi proučavanjem fenomena odnosa društva i jezika. U užem smi­slu ovaj istraživački rad sigurno pripada politolingvističkim istraživanjima obzirom da se ovde radi o presudnom uticaju politike na lingvistiku. Predmet ovog članka je politolingvistički aspekt nestanka Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ). Početak procesa nestajanja ove države se može vezati za famoznu Deklaraciju o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika (1967. g.) potpisane od strane grupe hrvatskih intelektualaca, a čiji je potpisnik, ako ne i glavni autor, bio i književnik Miroslav Krleža glavni favorit Josipa Broza Tita za kandidovanje za dobijanje Nobelove nagrade za književnost. Početak nestanka SFRJ se sigurno može vezati za ovaj pre svega politički manevar hrvatske strane, a kojim se htelo konačno ozakoniti hrvatsko prisvajanje srpskog kulturno-povesnog nasleđa nastalog na ijekavskom idiomu srpskog narodnog jezika štokavskog govora. Na ovaj način bi se, takođe, širom otvorila vrata i za hrvatsku državno-teritorijalnu ekspanziju sve do reke Drine i Brankovog mosta na reci Savi u Beogradu što je uskoro i došlo na dnevni red 1971. g. - 1972. g. u okviru političkih ciljeva nacionalističkog Hrvatskog proljeća iliti Maspoka. Istraživački cilj ovog članka je da doprinese ispitivanju i proučavanju fenomena politolingvističkog aspekta raspada, razbijanja i rušenja bivše zajedničke države skoro svih Južnih Slovena, a čijoj ogromnoj većini je maternji jezik bio srpskohrvatski ili hrvatskosrpski, kao i da sumarno prikaže jezičko stanje u post-jugoslovenskim državama u kojima je u okviru SFRJ srpskohrvatski ili hrvatskosrpski jezik bio zvaničan i lingvistički jedinstven. Međutim, ovaj jezik je bio policentrično standardizovan u okviru iste (SFRJ) države što je unikalni fenomen i u Evropi i u svetu. Osvetljavanje politolingvističkog aspekta nestanka SFRJ je bitan doprinos u naporima otkrivanja razloga i ciljeva razbijanja ove donedavno zajedničke države sa više od 23 miliona stanovnika i to najveće i najmnogoljudnije na Balkanskom poluostrvu. U ovoj krat­koj analizi politolingvističkog aspekta nestanka SFRJ, pored uporedne metode, korišćena je i metoda analize teksta kao vid sociolingvističkog pronicanja u ulogu i funkciju jezika u stvaranju nacionalnog identiteta i nacionalno-državnih granica. Korišćen je takođe i metodološki princip komplemen­tarnosti u smislu međusobnog dopunjavanja podataka iz izvora i literature.

The goal of this research is to investigate and compare the inter­ethnic and interstate clashes and wars in the Balkan micro region of Kosovo-Metohija with tho­se from the macro region of the Caucasus. After February 2008 when Kosovo Albanian-domina­ted Parliament proclaimed Koso­vo independence (without orga­nizing a referenda) with obvious US diplomatic support (unilateral recognition) with explanation that the Kosovo case is unique in the World (i.e., it will be not repeated again) one can ask the question: is the problem of the southern Ser­bian province of Kosovo-Metochia really unique and surely unre­peatable in some other parts of the World as the US administration was trying to convince the rest of the international community?

The aim of this research article is to give answers to the following four scientific research problems about the 1917 Corfu Declaration: 1. the reasons for convocation of the Corfu Confe­rence as a conference which should finally resolve the main po­litical problems between the Royal Serbian Government and the Yugoslav Committee, i.e. between two the most important negotiating representatives of the South Slavs during the process of the Yugoslav unification at the time of the First World War; 2. a nature of the opposite political conceptions and attitudes to­wards a process of unification and internal organisation of a new Yugoslav state between the negotiating parties as the most important question to be solved before the proclamation of the single South Slavic state; 3. an interpretation of the text of the 1917 Corfu Declaration as a legal act of the agreement between the Yugoslav Committee and the Royal Serbian Government pretending to be a final political settlement upon the political form, internal organization and functioning of the new state; and 4. an importance of the 1917 Corfu Declaration for the further process of unification of the South Slavs. In order to realize our research aims we will deal with the relevant historical sources followed by relevant historiographical literature on the topic. However, the most significant stress in this article is put on the text of the Corfu Declaration itself as the basic historical document with regard to the creation of the common South Slavic state in the fall of 1918.

This paper deals with the question of political and human/minority rights in the region of Kosovo & Metohija ten years after the „March Pogrom 2004“ and fifteen years after the NATO's military aggression on Serbia and Montenegro and occupation of the region. An importance of this research topic is in a fact that for the first time in the European history a terrorist-style and mafia-ruled (quasi)independent state was created by a full diplomatic, political, economic, military and financial sponsorship by the West under the umbrella of the NATO's and the EU's protective administration. The precedence of Kosovo's self-proclaimed independence in February 2008 already had several negative „domino effect“ consequences elsewhere in Europe (the Caucasus, the Crimean Peninsula...). The aim of the paper is to present a current situation in Kosovo & Metohija and possible consequences of the Kosovo case for the international relations and the post-Cold War world's order. In this short analysis of the situation in present-day Kosovo & Metohija, in order to realize our research goal we used the comparative method, the method of analysis of the text and the method of the mutual complement of the data from the sources and literature.

The research topic of this article is the “Ukrainian Question” in perspective of “Kosovo precedent” within the framework of the international law, international relations and global pol­itics. The aim of the article is to investigate the possible solu­tions for the current Ukrainian political crisis through the prism of “Kosovo precedent”. The article is composed by five sections dealing with the Ukrainian identity, historical background of the Ukrainian statehood, the 2014 Euromaidan coup and the begin­ning of the Ukrainian crisis, “Kosovo precedent” and the “Ukrai­nian Question” and finally with the possible political solution of the current Ukrainian crisis founded on the example of “Kosovo precedent”. The fundamental conclusion of the research is that “Kosovo precedent” already serves and will further serve in the recent future as the foundation for the territorial decomposition of Ukraine by neighbouring Russia.

This article investigates the Russian foreign politics at the region of the Balkan Peninsula after the dissolution of the Soviet Union at the time of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) World Order in relation to the Pan-Slavic ideals of intra-Slavic solidarity, reciprocity and brotherhood. The particular stresses are put on four main research topics: 1. The Pan-Slavism and Russia; 2. Relations between pro-Western and pro-Orthodox approaches of the Russian national interests on Russia’s domestic political scene; 3. Different attitudes towards the Balkans in Russia; and 4. Historical ties and future perspectives between Russia and the Serbs. A research methodology is based on investigation of the adequate historical sources and studying of the relevant scientific literature on the subject of our research. The main research results of the article show that: 1. Historically only (the tsarist) Russia was interested in protection of the Balkan Orthodox Slavs from any foreign power within the framework of the Pan-Slavic ideology of intra-Slavic reciprocity, solidarity and brotherhood; 2. The Balkan Orthodox nations have mostly to thank Russia for their state independence and preservation of national identities; 3. The post-Cold War Russia is only a taycoonized Gazprom Republic having no real intentions, at least until the 2014 Ukrainian crisis, to change the present day NATO’s World Order of Pax Americana; and 4. The Serbs and Serbia became the crucial victims of the post-Cold War perfect partnership in international relations between the West and the Gazprom Republic of Russia.